How Does La County's Rate of Removing Children From Families Compare With Other Large Cities

Summary

Despite stiff economic growth, California continues to struggle with high rates of kid poverty. Adverse circumstances faced past young children tin accept long-term concrete, social, and behavioral consequences-negatively affecting their hereafter education and economical well-being. A nuanced understanding of how child poverty varies across the state would help address this claiming. In this report, we examine regional and local differences in the economic circumstances of poor families with immature children historic period 0-5. Nosotros find that:

• One-quarter of young children in California live in poverty. Regionally, child poverty ranges from around 20 percent in the Bay Area, Sacramento expanse, and Northern region to well-nigh 30 percent in the Cardinal Coast and Los Angeles County. Statewide, Latino children and children with immigrant, immature, or single parents are much more than probable to be poor. Interventions that target ane or more of these groups concord promise for reaching more young children in poverty.
• Most poor families with young children have at least one working adult. Parents in higher-toll regions are more likely to be working-not surprising, since these regions tend to offer more work opportunities and higher wages. In the Bay Area, Primal Coast, and Orange Canton, between 79 and 81 percent of immature children in poverty have at to the lowest degree 1 parent working total- or part-time, compared to effectually 60 percent in the Central Valley and Sierra. Reducing poverty in inland regions requires attending to improving employment readiness and task opportunities.
• Coping with housing costs while maintaining access to work is difficult in higher-cost regions. Despite higher earnings, poor families with immature children in the Bay Area, Orange County, and San Diego Canton are more likely to be housing burdened, that is, to have housing costs that exceed one-half of total family resources. They are as well more likely than those in inland and northern regions to live in overcrowded housing. Efforts to increase access to affordable housing-through more than construction and more housing subsidies-will help.
• Safety net programs reduce child poverty, with more of an impact in lower-cost regions. Without the safe net, poverty rates among young children would be 24 percentage points college in the Central Valley and Sierra, compared to 8-9 points higher in the Bay Area and Orangish County. Poor families in college-toll regions are less probable to be eligible for safety net programs, which usually do not account for variation in the cost of living. In the long term, adjusting eligibility and benefits to accommodate differences in cost of living may deserve further consideration, just in the short term, there is room for comeback to augment the reach of these programs, fifty-fifty without expanding their telescopic.

We also discover that local variation in economic circumstances tin can overwhelm broader regional differences. For example, in Los Angeles, the poverty charge per unit amid young children ranges from 4 percent to 68 percent between southwestern and southcentral parts of the county-the everyman and highest rates in California. This report accompanies an online interactive tool that allows for in-depth exploration of the complexity of kid poverty across the state.

Kid poverty tin exist tackled in multiple ways, and policy responses may need to take different forms in diverse parts of California. Accounting for geographic differences tin atomic number 82 to more tailored approaches for alleviating child poverty and, in turn, help provide economic security for more immature children.

Introduction

One-quarter of children in California live in families that lack sufficient resource to meet their basic needs (Bohn and Danielson 2017; Bohn and Danielson 2014). This level of need-amongst the highest in the country-has been slow to ameliorate even during the state's strong economic expansion following the Not bad Recession (Renwick and Pull a fast one on 2016).ⁱ Poverty among young children is a particularly critical effect. Adverse circumstances faced by young children can contribute to negative educational, employment, and health outcomes over the long term, and as such are the focus of much attention amid policymakers and the public (Chetty et al. 2016; Ratcliffe 2015; Engle and Black 2008).

This report documents the geographic concentration of poverty and related factors to help policymakers and local stakeholders better understand the complex economical circumstances of poor young children historic period 0-5 in California. First, we appraise variation in kid poverty rates and the characteristics of young children in poverty, including demographic traits and family resources. Side by side, we look at education and employment, cost of living, and social rubber cyberspace programs-three areas that lend themselves to policy intervention. This analysis does not examine the causes of poverty in dissimilar parts of California. Rather, past identifying geographic commonalities, nosotros aim to shed light on prevailing factors continued to child poverty in local areas and broader regions.

Nosotros take long known that the poverty charge per unit varies across regions and counties in the country. Simply our current analysis finds dramatic differences within regions and counties: even in parts of California with fewer poor children, we see high poverty rates concentrated in relatively modest local areas. This is concerning: contempo research finds that the geographic concentration of poverty results in diminished economic opportunity for children every bit they grow up (Chetty and Hendron 2015). However, a more than comprehensive agreement of local factors could help meliorate approaches to reducing poverty.

This report focuses on broad regional trends in the economic circumstances of poor immature children across the state. PPIC'south online interactive tool permits an in-depth exploration of this topic at the local, regional, and state levels. Our research describes patterns across the following geographies:

• 9 regions: the Northern region, the Sacramento area, the Bay Expanse, the Central Valley and Sierra, the Central Declension, the Inland Empire, Los Angeles County, Orangish County, and San Diego County.^two
• 265 areas: designated by the Us Census Agency, these Public Use Microdata Areas (PUMAs)—which nosotros refer to every bit "areas" or "local areas" comprise at least 100,000 people. They represent the smallest surface area identified in large-scale Census Bureau survey data that allows usa to parse detailed socioeconomic characteristics of young children. In populous parts of the state, counties are made upward of multiple local areas, only in rural regions, local areas may comprise an entire canton or group of counties.³

To better empathize the geographic variation in child poverty, we rely on the California Poverty Measure (CPM) for the years 2011-2014. The CPM is an ongoing joint enquiry endeavour between PPIC and the Stanford Middle on Poverty and Inequality (Bohn et al. 2013). Information used in the CPM are based on large-calibration Census Bureau surveys of the population, augmented with information from California authoritative sources, tax records, and more. Unlike the federal poverty measure out, the CPM accounts for all resources families accept on manus to come across their basic needs-in item, measuring the value of social prophylactic net resources and out-of-pocket medical and child care expenses. Additionally, instead of benchmarking family unit resource to a federal poverty standard that is the aforementioned everywhere in the land, the CPM judges poverty by comparing resources to a standard that accounts for the variable cost of living in unlike counties of California. This cost-adjusted poverty threshold ranges from a depression of $23,800 in Regal County to a high of $37,100 in San Francisco County (for a family unit of four with young children who rents).⁴

• This report focuses on young children age 0-5. Detailed tabulations for young children and all children (age 0-17) are available hither.
• Poverty is adamant using the California Poverty Measure, which compares family resources to a threshold of basic needs adjusted for family size, price of living, and whether the family unit rents or owns a domicile (with or without a mortgage).
• Family resources are measured comprehensively, including earnings, taxes paid or tax credits received, and the cash value of safety net benefits, minus medical and work-related expenses (such as child care).
• Safety net benefits include the largest safety net programs: CalFresh (the state's food stamps plan, known federally as the Supplemental Nutrition Help Program, or SNAP); CalWORKs (the land'due south greenbacks assistance program for families with children, known federally as Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, or TANF); Full general Assistance; the federal Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC); the federal Child Tax Credit (CTC); Supplemental Security Income (SSI/SSP); federal housing subsidies; the Supplemental Diet Plan for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC); and school breakfast and luncheon.
• All statistics refer to the boilerplate over 2011-2014.
• All dollar values are presented in 2014 terms.
• See Technical Appendix A for additional details.

A Geographic Overview of Child Poverty

Poverty amongst young children in California is loftier. About 754,000 young children (25% of all children historic period 0-5) alive in poverty. On boilerplate, poor families with young children have resource that full well-nigh ii-thirds (67.7%) of the poverty line. For the average young child in poverty, this means that their family has full resources, including earnings and safety cyberspace benefits, below $26,100 per year for a family of 4.⁵

The severity of the gap betwixt resources and needs-how far below the poverty line poor families fall-affects children's education, employment, and health outcomes over the long term (Ratcliffe 2015; Engle and Black 2008). Although many young children feel poverty, a much smaller share are in deep poverty, defined as having total resources that are less than half of the poverty line. Near 172,600 young children (5.7% of all children historic period 0-5) are in deep poverty beyond the land. Among families with young children in deep poverty, resources average $12,500 per year for a family of four, or nether a third of the poverty line.

Local Variation in Kid Poverty Is Dramatic

Beyond regions, poverty among young children is lowest, around 20 percent, in Northern California (the Northern region, Sacramento expanse, and Bay Area) and highest, nearly 30 percent, in Los Angeles County and the Fundamental Coast.^vi However, variation in poverty rates at the local level overwhelms these broader regional differences.⁷ Even more prosperous regions of the state include geographically full-bodied areas with loftier rates of child poverty.

Across local areas, the share of young children in poverty ranges dramatically: i in five local areas have child poverty rates below about 14 percent and, at the other farthermost, 1 in five have child poverty rates above roughly 33 pct. In fact, Los Angeles County has both the lowest and highest estimated poverty rates among young children in the country-only four percent in an surface area that includes Redondo Beach, Manhattan Embankment, and Hermosa Beach in the southwestern function of the canton, compared to 68 pct in southeastern Los Angeles and eastern Vernon Cities (see online interactive tool).^eight

SOURCE: Author calculations from the 2011-2014 California Poverty Measure.

NOTE: Poverty rates for young children age 0-five for the local areas (PUMAs) in California are shown in quintiles. Blackness borders designate nine regions across the state. Local estimates that do non run into sample-size and/or margin-of-fault criteria are not shown (see Technical Appendix A for details).

Children with Immigrant, Young, or Unmarried Parents Are More than Likely to Exist Poor

Among young children, those who are Latino and who accept immigrant, non-English-proficient, young (under 25), or single parents are more likely to exist poor. Poverty rates in these demographic groups are between 34 and 42 percent, virtually 9-17 points higher than the statewide rate of 25 percent (Figure two). Many of these characteristics are highly correlated with each other.⁹ However, even when controlling for these characteristics, our analysis finds that each trait is independently associated with a 10-15 indicate higher likelihood that a young child is poor.¹⁰ Farther, this finding is similar across regions. This overlap suggests that targeting ane or more of these characteristics may hold promise for reaching high-poverty groups of young children beyond the country.^eleven

SOURCE: Writer calculations from the 2011-2014 California Poverty Measure.

NOTES: Statewide poverty rates for young children age 0-v calculated inside the given demographic subgroup.

Despite this clear statewide blueprint, it is important to notation that, in some local areas, race/ethnicity, immigration status, and family composition are not at all tied to poverty status. For example, in Piedmont and the eastern section of Oakland in the Bay Area, the poverty rates among young Latino children and children with immigrant parents are only i per centum (run across online interactive tool).

Poor Families Rely More on Earnings in Higher-Toll Regions

On average, 47 percent of resources for poor families with young children come from earnings (pre-revenue enhancement income from wages and salaries). The remainder is fabricated up of aid from large-calibration social safety net programs-including CalFresh, CalWORKs, and the federal EITC (see textbox in a higher place for full list)—and other, relatively pocket-sized, sources of income.¹²

We notice that poor families with young children in coastal California rely more on earnings than condom cyberspace benefits. In dissimilarity, in inland and northern regions, earnings comprise a somewhat smaller share of family resources. These findings make sense, given that coastal regions of the state tend to take more chore opportunities, and poor families living in these regions generally take higher earnings than those in inland regions (Bohn and Danielson 2014). Among poor families, higher earnings in higher-cost regions practise non ever offset the higher cost of living-urban coastal areas tend to take the highest poverty rates-just they do appear to impact families' access to safety net programs, equally nosotros will run across in afterwards sections of this report.

Figure iii shows the regional and local variation in the share of family resources from earnings. Inside each region, the boxes display the 25th to 75th percentile across local areas and the dividing line shows the median; the horizontal lines stretch to the minimum and maximum values. For example, beyond local areas in Orange County, between 38 and 68 percent of total resources among poor families with young children come from earnings; the middle 50 percentage rely on earnings for 53-63 percentage of their total resources. Orange County, the Central Coast, and the Bay Surface area stand out equally regions where poor families with young children rely more on earnings-and less on the safe internet-relative to the rest of the state.

SOURCE: Author calculations from the 2011-2014 California Poverty Measure.

NOTE: Chart shows the variation amongst poor families with young children beyond local areas (PUMAs), suppressed if the sample size or margin of error do non come across our criteria. The boxes signal the 25th, 50th, and 75th percentile of boilerplate share of resources from earnings across local areas. Lines stretch to the minimum and maximum values within the region. Families with nothing earnings are included in the calculation simply those with zero or negative total resources are omitted.

For the most part, local variation in the share of resources from earnings appears to track with regional variation (Figure 3). Locally, the share of poor families' resources from earnings ranges widely-from 17 per centum at the low terminate (in the Central Valley and Sierra) to eighty per centum on the high end (in the Bay Area). Virtually all local areas in the Fundamental Coast and Orange County are in a higher place the statewide median; at the other extreme, most all local areas in the Northern region, Fundamental Valley and Sierra, and Sacramento area are below the statewide median. All the same, at that place are exceptions-for instance, nosotros see local areas in the Inland Empire where nearly 60 percent of family unit resource come up from earnings, though the median in this region is but 43 percent.

Factors Affecting Poverty

Young children in poverty can have markedly different family circumstances. As we will see below, the extent to which poor families rely on earnings or the condom net is closely related to parents' education and employment, cost of living, and access to rubber cyberspace programs-all of which interact with child poverty in distinct ways across regions.

Education and Employment Matter More in Some Regions

Parents' educational attainment and employment condition touch on the well-existence of their children, both in the curt term and the long term. Previous PPIC research indicates that the economy in California generally requires education beyond the high schoolhouse level, significant that adults who lack higher credentials often face up limited earnings potential (Johnson, Mejia, and Bohn 2015). Additionally, a national retrospective written report finds that children who feel poverty and whose parents lack a high school degree are at a higher chance of not completing high school themselves, which in turn affects employment opportunities (Ratcliffe 2015).

Overall, we detect a strong correlation betwixt parental education and employment and kid poverty: immature children in poverty are much more likely to have parents who are less educated and who take a more tenuous attachment to the workforce (working part-time or unemployed).¹³ Statewide, 37 pct of young children in poverty have parents who lack a loftier schoolhouse degree, more than three times the charge per unit of non-poor children. Similarly, 21 percent of immature children in poverty take parents with only role-fourth dimension work, two and half times the charge per unit of young children who are non poor.¹⁴

All the same pedagogy and employment matter more in certain regions. Table 1 shows the share of poor parents with young children who have no high school degree compared to their non-poor counterparts. In the Bay Surface area, we see that poor young children are five times as likely to have parents who did non complete loftier school, compared to non-poor children. Nosotros see similarly high disparity in San Diego County and Orange Canton, but lower ratios in the Northern region and the Fundamental Valley and Sierra region. Our analysis of parents who are employed role-fourth dimension or unemployed also indicates similar regional variation.¹⁵

SOURCE: Writer calculations from the 2011-2014 California Poverty Measure out.

NOTES: Regions are listed n to south. Table shows the share of poor and non-poor immature children whose parents do not have a high school diploma or GED. The last column calculates the ratio of the two shares as a measure of the disparity betwixt the two groups.

Beyond the state, well-nigh poor families with young children have at least one working adult. Once again, nosotros see regional differences: parents are much more likely to work total-time or role-time in regions of the land with the most robust economies. In the Bay Area, 81 percent of immature children in poverty have at least one parent working total- or part-time (see Figure 4). Rates are similar in Orange County (79%) and the Fundamental Declension (79%). In the Fundamental Valley and Sierra, Sacramento surface area, and Inland Empire, betwixt lx and 66 percent of young children in poverty have at least one working parent. These trends are generally in line with regional variation in average educational levels and employment opportunities.

SOURCE: Writer calculations from the 2011-2014 California Poverty Measure.

NOTES: Chart shows the share of poor young children whose parents or guardians have at most the given employment characteristic.

Housing Costs Are a Burden for Many

The ability to run across bones needs is a function of resource and costs. In California, we approximate that, to be out of poverty, a family of four needs nearly $31,000 per year on average. But this threshold varies substantially across the country, every bit we noted to a higher place.¹⁶ The price of housing is a principal gene in family budgets and drives differences in the cost of living.

Statewide, a third of poor immature children live in families that are housing encumbered-that is, they spend more than half of their resources on rent or mortgage. Across regions, this rate ranges from 24-25 percent in the Northern region and Central Valley and Sierra region to effectually 38 pct in the Bay Area, Orangish County, and San Diego County. Not surprisingly, housing brunt is strongly associated with a family's reported housing costs across the state (see Figure B1 in the technical appendices). Northern and inland regions of California have the lowest housing costs and, for the most office, the lowest local rates of housing burden. Coastal, urban regions typically have higher housing costs and college rates of housing burden.

Despite these broader trends, local variation within regions is sometimes considerable. For example, though the Bay Surface area's overall rate of housing burden is 37 percentage, local areas in the region take rates as low as 13 percent in Bayview-Hunters Point and as loftier every bit 87 percent in Cupertino, Saratoga, and Los Gatos (Figure 5).

SOURCE: Writer calculations from the 2011-2014 California Poverty Measure out.

NOTE: The percentage of poor families with children age 0-5 who are housing burdened for each local area (PUMA) are shown in quintiles. Blackness borders designate nine regions beyond the country. Local areas are suppressed if they practise not meet the sample-size and/or margin-of-fault criteria (see Technical Appendix A). PPIC's online interactive tool provides further detail on rates of housing burden across the state.

The resource poor families devote to housing are the consequence of many considerations, including location and quality. Statewide, 55 percentage of poor young children live in overcrowded housing, nearly twice equally many as non-poor children (see Table B5 in the technical appendices).¹⁷ The odds of living in overcrowded housing as a poor young child are slightly higher in the Bay Area, Orange Canton, and San Diego County. Los Angeles has a high share of poor young children in overcrowded housing (67%). However, non-poor children in the county are likewise more likely to be in overcrowded housing, so the difference is not as hitting as in other parts of the country.

Because college-cost regions of California tend to be larger, urban centers where the majority of jobs in the state are located, families with young children must balance housing choices with the ability to brand ends meet. 1 way to cope with a high price of living might be to move farther from job centers and/or to commute longer distances. Although we observe that poor young children's families are more probable to accept moved in the past yr (xix%) than those non in poverty (15%), the difference is not large. We also examined how commute times vary across families and found fifty-fifty smaller differences; the commute times for working parents of poor young children are typically a bit shorter (median of 20 minutes) than amidst parents of non-poor children (25 minutes).^xviii At the same time, very long commutes of an hour or more than are a fact of life for nigh 10 pct of both poor and non-poor working parents with young children. Farthermost commutes are somewhat more mutual for poor parents of young children in Los Angeles County and the Inland Empire, too as those in the Fundamental Valley and Sierra region (come across Tabular array B5 in the technical appendices).

Poor families with young children in higher-cost regions of California are more probable to be working full-time or function-time and rely more than on earnings than the safety internet. Nevertheless, those additional earnings do non fully recoup for the higher cost of living. Some families may cope by residing in smaller homes. As nosotros will see below, less access to social rubber cyberspace resources also hinders the ability of these families to meet basic needs.

The Impact of the Rubber Net Varies

Rubber cyberspace programs mostly supplement earnings to help families avert severe economic need. These programs-which include greenbacks assistance, diet aid, housing subsidies, and low-income taxation credits-make up 44 percent of poor families' resource statewide and substantially mitigate poverty. Previous PPIC research has found that, because of their scale and broad access, CalFresh and the Earned Income Tax Credit are key programs in lowering child poverty (Bohn and Danielson 2017). One way of measuring the safety net's office in helping families meet basic needs is to hypothetically aught out existing programs. In this scenario, poverty among young children would jump 15 points, to forty pct.¹⁹

The role that the safety internet plays in alleviating economical need varies across the land, with higher-price regions by and large seeing a smaller reduction in poverty from these programs. This suggests that programs take a greater impact in inland and northern regions. If condom cyberspace resources are not counted in family unit budgets, child poverty rates would range from a low of 28 percent in the Bay Surface area to 48 per centum in the Central Valley and Sierra'substantially higher than what we run across now.

Figure half dozen shows the estimated increment in child poverty in the absenteeism of the rubber net. We come across the largest increases (18-24 per centum points) in inland and northern regions: the Central Valley and Sierra, Northern region, and Inland Empire. In the Bay Area, Orangish Canton, Central Coast, and San Diego County, nosotros see smaller increases (8-12 points). This is driven in part past higher earnings in the latter regions-due to higher wage levels and/or stronger attachment to work, every bit seen in the previous section. Having relatively college earnings ways that families in college-cost regions are less likely to qualify for social safety cyberspace benefits, even if they are in poverty. It takes more to meet basic needs in higher-cost littoral California, but this is not taken into account when determining eligibility for most safety net programs.

SOURCE: Writer calculations from the 2011-2014 California Poverty Mensurate.

NOTES: Change in poverty rate for young children age 0-v, if family resources excluded CalFresh, CalWORKs, EITC, CTC, GA, SSI, school meals, WIC, and housing subsidies.

We also appraise variation in whether families use specific programs, focusing on CalFresh, CalWORKs, and the federal EITC. Tabular array 2 shows how the share of poor families with young children who participate in these iii major safety internet programs varies beyond the land. Generally, CalFresh is the program roofing the largest share of poor families with young children. However, coverage varies from 55 percent in San Diego County to 85 percent in the Central Valley and Sierra. The share of poor families benefitting from CalWORKs is lower across the state. EITC coverage is generally in betwixt. Considering the EITC is contingent upon working (and filing taxes), receipt tends to be higher in regions with lower unemployment.²⁰ There is substantial local variation in coverage across all three programs: 31-92 percent across local areas for CalFresh, 4-75 percent for CalWORKs, and 27-96 percentage for EITC (see online interactive tool). However, the same blueprint generally holds; nigh areas see somewhat college CalFresh usage and lower CalWORKs usage, with EITC usage frequently falling in between.

SOURCE: Author calculations from the 2011-2014 California Poverty Measure.

NOTES: Regions listed n to south. Table shows usage amidst poor families with young children age 0-five.

Eligibility for each of the programs shown in Table ii varies according to program-specific rules regarding earnings, work condition, family size, and citizenship status. Characteristics can also affect the likelihood that families participate, even if they are eligible: cultural norms may play a role, and eligible families earning relatively higher incomes may be less likely to participate in programs that ratchet benefits down as earnings ascent (Stuber and Schlesinger 2006; Whelan 2010).

Regional differences in the bear upon of the safety net are partially owing to systematic variation in factors that make families eligible or likely to participate-more or fewer earnings, demographic characteristics, and family limerick. But when controlling for these characteristics, we still find important regional differences in the likelihood that a poor family with young children uses resource from safety net programs. Nosotros often meet higher usage in inland and northern regions:²¹

• Utilize of CalFresh is systematically college in the Northern region and in the Central Valley and Sierra. Poor families with young children who are otherwise similar simply reside in coastal areas (the Bay Surface area, Los Angeles County, Orange County, and San Diego Canton) take lower usage.
• Use of CalWORKs is more disparate, with usage notably higher for poor families with immature children in Los Angeles County, the Northern region, and inland regions of the state.
• Poor families with immature children are less likely to utilize the EITC in the Bay Surface area and Cardinal Coast compared to the rest of the state.

In sum, while eligibility and demographic factors may somewhat constrain the condom net's ability to increase family resources, particularly in higher-cost regions, our assay suggests that in these regions there is nonetheless room to improve participation amidst eligible families. That is, there are opportunities to extend the achieve of the social rubber net, fifty-fifty with no changes to its electric current scope.

Conclusion

This written report highlights the broad variability in kid poverty across the land. Fifty-fifty though kid poverty is thought to be much lower in some parts of the country, we notice local areas in nearly every region of California with very high rates of poverty among immature children. The geographic concentration of poverty suggests that taking into account local and regional factors may assistance interventions finer reach more poor children.

We find that parents' low educational level and tenuous labor market attachment are more closely associated with poverty in littoral, college-cost regions of the land. Non surprisingly, housing brunt besides tends to exist higher in this function of the state, with more than poor families facing housing costs that exceed half their total resources. While families in these regions more than frequently piece of work full- or part-time, this stronger labor strength attachment does not compensate for the higher cost of living. Eligibility requirements for the social safe net-which largely do not accept into account variation in cost of living beyond the state-may eventually be a limiting factor, just there are nonetheless opportunities to increment admission to these programs. Conversely, lower-cost parts of the country may come across better admission to the safety internet, simply economic success is tied to employment, so that these families likely struggle with up mobility.

A better understanding of the characteristics of children in poverty tin enable policymakers to think strategically nigh public investments. Our analysis suggests that varying approaches may exist needed in unlike parts of the land. In certain areas, underenrollment in safety net programs is an important factor. In others, deportment over the long term to increment chore market skills are key. And for much of California, loftier housing costs loom large.

PPIC's online interactive tool allows for deeper investigation into the local differences in the trade-offs poor families with immature children make betwixt housing, work, and safety net participation. Future PPIC enquiry volition examine the potential impact of specific policy actions centered on housing and employment in different parts of the land. Interventions that take into business relationship such geographic differences could serve to improve the economic security and future well-beingness of California's young children.

Topics

Economy Health & Safety Net Population

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Source: https://www.ppic.org/publication/geography-of-child-poverty-in-california/